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The Limitations and Liabilities of American UX

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“Have you tried turning it off and on again?”
— Roy Trenneman, The IT Crowd

In 1752, a few decades before our founding fathers set down the terms and conditions for the American experiment, Benjamin Franklin harnessed electricity. But it would be the next century before the first machines ran on electric power and perhaps a century more before anyone devised a concept resembling what we now know as a reset button. Otherwise, the founders might have enshrined something like a reset button in our Constitution. Instead we’re left with mere checks and balances, which, while not too shabby as founding ideals go, nonetheless run on slow, outmoded processors and are largely ineffectual for the work that lies ahead.

Checks and balances, when properly employed, can preclude abuses of power — provided they are wielded by people who themselves are not party to those abuses — but only a reset button can reverse the consequences of those abuses once they’ve occurred. And we don’t have a reset button.

A reset button is what this nation will need after the current occupant of the White House is shipped off to the supermax in Florence, Colorado, where he deserves to die eventually. In a cage, separated from his family.

A reset button could in some measurable way undo the damage caused by the lies and crimes and general fuckery of those who have enabled him after they too become guests of the American penal system.

A reset button could invalidate everything that has happened since he took office and send us back to a clearly defined Square One — which, for the sake of argument, could be the state of national affairs as of, say, 9 p.m. Eastern, November 8, 2016, or 11:59 p.m. Eastern, January 19, 2017 — the beginning of an alternate timeline of sorts that allows us not merely to imagine but to experience our nation and the current American moment as it might have been had a narcissistic sociopath, compromised asset and treasonous con man not benefited from and in all likelihood directly participated in the intervention of a foreign enemy to install him as our leader.

But there is no reset button.

Because even if he is ultimately exposed, charged, tried, found guilty and punished for his crimes against America — this man who, ironically, will have benefited from perhaps more measurable, quantifiable due process than has ever been accorded to a convicted felon in this country — he will still have a judicial legacy which cannot be undone. As will the complicit Senate majority leader.

Even if he takes dozens of accomplices down with him — family members, advisors, campaign operatives, political appointees, even other elected officials — there will be limits to what damage can be undone and how. Legislation will still exist that cannot easily be reversed or revised; structures will still be in place that cannot easily be dismantled.

Even when he is replaced by someone more closely resembling an American leader, statesman and public servant, we will still have damaged relations with other nations and their leaders that cannot easily be repaired. Even our allies, as forgiving and understanding as they may be under the circumstances, will still have reason to trust us a little less and be more guarded about our intentions going forward.

There has been willful damage done to our environment that is likely beyond repair.

There are billionaires and corporations — including this alleged billionaire and his foreign creditors, as it were, who benefit from his money-laundering operations because he can’t pay them back any other way — further enriched at the expense of the middle class, the working class, the poor and the weak, for whom there will be no restitution or reparation.

There are lives that have been carelessly or even deliberately harmed by this administration that can’t and won’t be made whole again. There are dead who cannot be brought back to life.

We can’t just revert to the factory default settings that were in place when we first unboxed this corrupted product, this administration that has malfunctioned and deviated from specifications since the moment we bought it.

We aren’t entitled to a replacement under the warranty. At best we’ll end up with a refurbished product and occasional updates to the operating system.

There is no command-Z to undo what has already been done.

There is no reset button.


Written by Shepcat

July 17, 2018 at 11:59 am

Posted in Politics, The Nation

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Donald Trump Dreams

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Donald Trump dreams
of a refrigerator door in hell
(only the door, because hell),
festooned with executive orders —
seemingly reams
of the unseemly things,
inhumane, punitive,
overreaching decrees,
unconsumed by flames
of a thousand degrees —
each brandishing his half-cocked Hancock,
his erratic, seismographic,
autocratic autograph.

But there is no such door,
no magnets, no tape,
no prideful presenter,
no ostentatious display.
For neither the heights to which
Donald ascends at others’ expense
nor the depths to which he stoops to conquer
will matter in the end,
because Fred Trump never loved his son
and isn’t about to begin,
not even beyond the end of time,
not even after Donald arrives
at his rightful place by his father’s side.

Written by Shepcat

June 26, 2018 at 9:05 pm

Posted in Politics, The Nation, Writing

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The Dollar Bill of Rights

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Amendment I
Congress shall make no law respecting an establishment of religion, or prohibiting the free exercise thereof; or abridging the freedom of speech, or of the press; or the right of the people peaceably to assemble, and to petition the Government for a redress of grievances.
Amendment II
A well regulated Militia, being necessary to the security of a free State, the right of the people to keep and bear Arms, shall not be infringed.

The First Amendment derives its power from its first five words: “Congress shall make no law …”

The Second Amendment makes no such claim. It derives its power from money.

Never mind the right’s specious argument that the left wants to abolish the Second Amendment. It can’t be abolished. It won’t be revised. Ever. Nobody’s coming to take away your guns. Even if substantial political will to do so existed, it would require a two-thirds majority in both houses of Congress and ratification by three-fourths of the states, and there is no foreseeable political climate in this nation that would make that a reality.

But it’s money — accepted predominantly by Republican lawmakers — that keeps breathing life into that specious argument, even as the breath of life is stolen from innocent citizens.

Money is the reason the words “Congress shall make no law” are superimposed onto the Second Amendment.

Money is the thing that makes Congress blind to the words well regulated. Or militia, whose 2018 definition differs wildly from its 1787 definition.

Money is the thing preventing Congress from making any law — however minor, however limited — that would make it harder for the wrong guns to get into the wrong hands.

Money is the thing preventing Congress from even having a conversation about various common-sense measures to protect Americans from guns.

Money is the thing prohibiting the imagination and vision of lawmakers to conjure real-world solutions that would improve the safety and security of innocent Americans where guns are concerned.

Money is the thing preventing the Centers for Disease Control from studying the effects of gun violence.

Money is the thing that held up the confirmation of a Surgeon General nominee who dared to believe that gun violence is a public health issue. Money is the reason the new administration asked him to resign before the end of his term.

Money is the reason our votes and our voices barely matter.

Money is the reason some voices in this country are silenced permanently.

Want your life to matter to Congress? Better get yourself some money.

Written by Shepcat

February 17, 2018 at 1:56 pm

Posted in Politics, The Nation

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How Would Lubitsch Do It?: A Parable

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During Hollywood’s golden age, between 1930 and 1968, filmmakers were governed by the Motion Picture Production Code, often referred to as the Hays code, which set out strict moral guidelines dictating what was acceptable and unacceptable content for American audiences, with a particular emphasis on sex.

The best filmmakers, not the least of whom was my idol Billy Wilder, were masters at subverting the code. By working within the restrictions imposed upon them, working around what they were not able to show or tell, they became better, more entertaining storytellers, in part because they made their audiences put 2 and 2 together, gave them credit for their own intelligence, and made them complicit in the telling of the story. Throughout his career, Mr. Wilder credited his own mentor, director Ernst Lubitsch, as the master of this technique, and challenged himself with a sign hung in his office that asked, simply, “How would Lubitsch do it?”

To illustrate “the Lubitsch touch,” Mr. Wilder pointed to the opening sequence in Lubitsch’s The Smiling Lieutenant (1931): There’s a king, a queen and a lieutenant, and you must dramatize, without being explicit, a situation in which the queen has an affair with the lieutenant, and the king finds out.

Open on the bedroom of the king and queen. They are dressing in the morning, and it’s a scene of affectionate domestic bliss.

Now the king leaves the bedroom. As he exits, we see the lieutenant standing guard outside the door in full dress uniform with his belt and sword. He clicks his heels in salute and watches as the king slowly descends the long staircase and eventually disappears into the palace.

We cut back to the lieutenant, who, assured that the king is now gone, enters the royal bedroom.

We cut back to the king as he descends the staircase, and halfway down he realizes he isn’t wearing his own belt and sword. He turns and ascends the staircase, returning to the bedroom. “Now we have a situation,” Mr. Wilder says.

The king enters. The door closes. We are never inside the room. The door opens. The king exits with the belt and sword. Happily he descends the staircase again, but as he tries to put on the belt, it doesn’t fit. It’s too small. It’s not his belt.

The king returns again to the royal bedroom, where he finds the lieutenant under the bed.

And scene.

Faced with a codified list of restrictions, Lubitsch has told us everything we need to know without explicitly showing us the lieutenant screwing the queen.

Early Saturday morning, like thieves in the dead of night, the Senate GOP pushed through their version of a tax code that will cut the corporate tax rate from 35 percent to 20 percent, explode the national debt by $1 trillion, and benefit the wealthiest citizens in this country while ultimately raising taxes on the middle class it purports to bolster.

Since the Reagan administration, we’ve been fed the lie that, if we decrease regulation, cut the corporate tax rate, and approve a tax code that further benefits the wealthiest Americans, in effect making them all wealthier, they will then reinvest that wealth in job creation and production that will bolster the U.S. economy and trickle that wealth down to the American people at large.

And yet, since the 1980s, all that policy has achieved is to widen the inequality gap among Americans, with CEO pay growing exponentially as American wages have remained stagnant, fewer American families controlling and enjoying the majority of wealth, and corporations increasing their bottom lines by hiding profits offshore and outsourcing jobs overseas, where they can pay foreign employees considerably less than they would pay American workers to do the same work.

The obvious benefit of paying American workers is that we would turn around and put that money back into the American economy, creating more growth, but the gun to the American electorate’s head is the notion that, unless we give the corporations and the wealthy what they want — more wealth up front — they can’t (read: won’t) give us the jobs and income we need to contribute to the American economy.

In point of fact, American corporations are more beholden to the shareholders they already have than to any notion that they might create new shareholders, who are by now so far behind the richest shareholders in this country that they could never catch up. So corporations will continue to outsource jobs to bolster the bottom line for those shareholders, in much the same way as the GOP will continue to court their political donations by creating for them the conditions most favorable to their continued growth and increasingly obscene wealth, which — as the last four decades of American life has shown us — is never going to trickle down to the American public at large.

In the middle of the last century, the average tax rate for the wealthiest 1 percent of American households hovered between 40 and 44 percent while corporations were taxed at a rate between 52 and 54 percent, which not only benefited all Americans and allowed us to rebuild the country after the Great Depression but also allowed us to help rebuild Europe after the Second World War under the Marshall Plan.

And while those rates were a restriction of sorts on the wealthiest Americans and American corporations, it didn’t prevent them from investing in American workers and spearheading a quarter century of growth and innovation during which American homeownership rose significantly as the rise of suburbs corresponded to the growth of American cities; we funded public education and the arts; college enrollment and graduation rates rose steadily as tuition remained affordable; we developed safer, more efficient automobiles; we built an interstate highway system that stitched the entire country together; we advocated for cleaner, safer food, air and water; we made life-saving advances in medicine and medical technologies; we developed faster, more efficient computers that increased production and reinvented the American workplace; and we put satellites into orbit and man on the moon.

Despite those restrictions on the wealthiest among us, somehow we accomplished all this without explicitly screwing American citizens.

And scene.

Written by Shepcat

December 3, 2017 at 2:46 pm

Posted in Life, Movies, Politics, The Nation

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The Long and Short of It

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On the April 7 episode of her podcast With Friends Like These, journalist Ana Marie Cox and her guest, author and political commentator Thomas Frank (What’s the Matter with Kansas?), briefly digressed in their conversation to talk about Donald Trump’s sartorial habit of wearing his ties so long that he has to Scotch-tape the narrow end that isn’t long enough to go through the loop in back.1

That’s the how of the Scotch tape, but it doesn’t address the why of Trump wearing his ties so long.

Naturally, I point to writer-director David Mamet’s 2000 comedy State and Main, in which drunken town doctor and bow-tie aficionado Doc Wilson (Michael Higgins) promotes the following thesis to dissuade someone from taking his advice:

It’s the truth that you should never trust anybody wears a bow tie. Cravat’s s’posed to point down to accentuate the genitals. Why’d you wanna trust somebody’s tie points out to accentuate his ears?

I mean, think about it: This is a man who attempts to dominate everyone he meets with a weird, jerky alpha-male handshake that puts his counterpart off balance and yanks him toward Trump, in whose mind this practice — what? makes him appear stronger than the other guy? This flabby asshole who eats KFC on his private jet and doesn’t get any exercise aside from walking to and from his golf cart after hitting a 7-iron shot on the fairway? He’s precisely the kind of asshole who would want your eyes drawn toward his junk.

So yeah: Good luck keeping that thought out of your head next time you look at Trump’s necktie. Go with God.
1 It’s also notable that the ties Trump wears in all likelihood come from his own eponymous menswear line. I mean, they’re certainly not bespoke, but it’s his name on the back of each one. So why does this couturier, this clothes horse, this man of fashion not have his own personal neckties customized with the loop stitched a few inches higher to accommodate his preference for unwieldy length?

Written by Shepcat

April 12, 2017 at 12:10 pm

Posted in Movies, Politics

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A Personal Monologue About Gun Control (in the Absence of a National Dialogue)

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Whenever a shooting occurs in this country — whether it’s Tucson or Aurora or, now, God help us, Newtown — someone will argue that it’s “too early” or “too soon” or “a knee-jerk reaction” to engage in this long-overdue conversation, and more important, to demand that our elected representatives engage in it. And I don’t get that. At all. It’s a conversation, after all — not some draconian witch hunt. And there’s no reason to believe that it can’t serve the best interests of everyone involved, though its first responsibility is to the public good.

Personally, I have complicated feelings about guns.

As both a consumer of popular culture and an aspiring writer of same, guns have always been present in my imagination as dramatic devices — often necessary to the plot, occasionally gratuitous. There are shades and degrees of necessity and shades and degrees of gratuitousness and varying standards by which individuals will measure both. That’s just the free market at work, though — box-office dollars being the final arbiter of taste and artistic merit — not a matter of actual life and death.

My entry into the conversation, however, begins with having had one pointed at me. Not a film prop. An actual handgun.

I didn’t like it. I’m fortunate enough to have survived without a scratch, but I wouldn’t recommend the experience to anyone.

There is a definite feeling of helplessness in that situation, and it breaks down into two parts:

1. The gun itself is very much to be feared. When one is pointed at you, you will unquestionably regard it as the instrument of your imminent demise. So the trite, hollow “guns don’t kill people” argument carries no weight with me, because during the longest 90 seconds of my life, that was pretty much the only thing I was thinking about.

2. Yes, people do kill people. It takes a finger to squeeze the trigger. The helpless part is not having the first clue about what is going on in the mind of the man holding the gun. My guy got nervous. And let me tell you that the nervous guy with the gun scared me a hell of a lot more than the confident guy with the gun who first stepped to us thinking it was going to be a short, simple piece of work.

Though one might argue that I could have used a gun, I have never wished that I had one that night, nor did I run out the next day to get one, nor have I felt the impulse to obtain one at any time during the intervening 15 years. I haven’t required one — lightning rarely strikes the same place twice — and besides, it’d just be another damn thing for me to keep clean.

On the other hand, I know a great many sane, reasonable, responsible people — friends, acquaintances, extended family — who own and regularly use guns. Mostly they hunt, for sport and for food. A few of them probably own a firearm specifically for home protection or self-defense, though I’m fairly certain no one I know has ever had to use one for that purpose. I don’t begrudge any of them — or any of you — the ownership of guns. Within reason, anyway.

Remember reason? Yeah … reason. Good times.

What follows represents, essentially, where I stand in the conversation we’re not having. My thoughts as a whole may not be as fully formed as I’d like them to be. I’m just thinking out loud here, because in my experience, that’s how a dialogue begins.

  • I’m a liberal — make of that what you will — and, as I noted above, a violent-crime statistic, but I’m not interested in taking away everyone’s guns. I just don’t see why we can’t make it a little harder for just anyone to get one. I see no reason not to tighten regulations and controls around selling them, obtaining them, registering them and keeping them.
  • “If we outlaw guns, only outlaws will have guns” is a damned weak excuse not to do or try anything that might effect a solution. While we’re at it, we might also attempt to outthink or outmaneuver the outlaws themselves. That we won’t put our minds to these problems at all is just laziness.
  • If we’ve learned anything at all from these various recent tragedies, it’s this: Mental-health screening must absolutely be part of this conversation.
  • For that matter, it probably wouldn’t be a bad idea to flag any registered gun owner who’s recently been fired or gone through a messy divorce or child-custody battle.
  • Consider this: “Over a period of two months, [Aurora shooter James Holmes] bought a semiautomatic variation of the military’s M-16 assault rifle, a pump-action 12-gauge shotgun, and at least one Glock .40-caliber semiautomatic pistol from local dealers. He also bought and stockpiled 6,000 rounds of ammunition from online sources. Every purchase he made was legal.” [Source:] Legal purchases are all well and good, but could we possibly track and cross-reference all these legal purchases to see if any troubling patterns or likely persons of interest emerge?
  • Privacy issues, you say? Let the Supreme Court decide. That’s why we have one.
  • Laws and regulations often make things more difficult or inconvenient for law-abiding citizens, but that seems a small price to pay if they prevent the more violent or unstable among us from shooting up a school or a mall or a movie theater. If I, who have never committed a terrorist act, must remove my shoes every damn time I board an airplane, I think it’s entirely reasonable that you, who have likely never shot another person in cold blood, should still have to jump through the occasional hoop to prove your fitness to own a firearm. I want to fly to Kansas City. You want to go deer hunting. Everybody pays to play.
  • We shouldn’t have to think of tragedies like Tucson, Aurora and Newtown as the cost of doing business so the gun lobby can celebrate its constitutional liberties.
  • Speaking of which, the National Rifle Association, firearms manufacturers, and the more extreme “when you pry it from my cold, dead fingers” types seriously need to chill the hell out and come to the table on this thing. Again, it’s a conversation about solving a very real problem in this country, and everyone needs to be part of the possible solution. Because every time a mass shooting occurs, it’s terrible public relations for one’s first impulse to be a vehement defense of the right to bear arms before the victims’ bodies are even cold.
  • Amendment II
    A well regulated Militia, being necessary to the security of a free State, the right of the people to keep and bear Arms, shall not be infringed.

    • Right up front, from a strictly editorial standpoint, that sentence needs to lose the first and third commas in order to make sense.
    • When was the last time we really needed a well regulated militia in this country? Eighteen sixty-five or thereabout? I’m not saying we don’t want to keep that ace in the hole for future reference, but can we at least stipulate that it’s not part of the discussion we need to have right now?
    • Semantics: I’ve got no problem with the right to bear arms, but for the record, the gun owners I respect most are the ones who regard it as a privilege.
    • in•fringe v.: to encroach upon in a way that violates law or the rights of another. Which definition would seem to place the acknowledged right in relationship to other established laws. That’s one way to look at it, anyway.
  • I don’t believe more guns are the answer. Conceal-carry laws make no sense to me. Where the hell do you live — and who the hell are you pissing off — that you need to be strapped to go to the grocery store?
  • Increased security in schools and churches? I’ve got no problem with that. Arming teachers and congregants? That’s where I have to draw the line.
  • Assault rifles? Seriously? Look, if our nation is ever invaded — by North Koreans, al-Qaeda, Huns, Cossacks, zombies, aliens, whoever — I might campaign for the federal government to issue an AK-47 to every American man, woman and child. In the meantime, though, no one who isn’t enlisted in our armed forces needs a fully automatic assault weapon for any reason whatsoever. Can we at least agree on that?

That’s more or less where I stand. I don’t believe my positions are particularly unreasonable or incendiary nor do I claim to be any more enlightened than anyone on any side of this proposed conversation. Your proportionate response is appreciated.

After all, I’m unarmed.

Written by Shepcat

December 15, 2012 at 11:55 pm

Posted in Life, Politics, The Nation

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Reason to Believe

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I still believe in Barack Obama.

I still believe in him because he still believes in an America that is greater than any one person or any 1 percent of its people. He believes that we’re all in this thing together, and he wants to even the playing field so that we all have a chance to be better, to do better, to have enough opportunity to succeed and thrive, as individuals and together as a nation. It’s a vision of America that once was and can be again. It’s within reach.

That’s as simply as I can describe what was and will be again the best vote I ever cast as an American citizen.

Such a sentiment was dismissed thusly by a couple of men I overheard at a Starbucks recently: “Obama supporters tend to vote emotionally. Romney supporters seem to be more interested in facts.” I stayed out of the fray. It’s enough that my Obama-Biden T-shirt was likely what inspired them to strike up a conversation in the first place. Bringing people together: It’s what I do.

And yet everywhere I look, it’s emotion that drives most people who rail against our sitting president. Raw, venal, bitter emotion of a kind that seems to have checked any sense of reason at the door. These people who hate our president so much that they’ll vote for Mitt Romney by default rarely give me arguments, rarely present to me these alleged facts that those men at Starbucks were so sure are the meat of their political discourse. Instead I get bumper stickers, throwaway lines and mere rhetoric, plus no small amount of racism and birtherism, both subtle and overt.

And yet, in all this time, I’ve not heard one person say, as sincerely as I just said to you, these words: “I believe in Mitt Romney.”

Oh, plenty of people think he’ll do a better job of handling our economy, but they can’t provide facts and specifics. Because as of this writing, Romney himself hasn’t provided many. Most people are simply impressed enough by Romney’s personal relationship with money (without any real sense of how he earned it, for himself and for others) that they imagine he’ll know what to do with ours.1

Besides which, it’s not as if anybody on the right even really likes Mitt, let alone believes in him. Witness the way so many prominent Republican officials and candidates have recently distanced themselves from Romney after the surfacing of the catastrophic “47 percent” video.

It was only a few short months ago, during the long slog through primary season, that we learned how ambivalent Republicans could be toward the man who was nonetheless viewed as their inevitable nominee for president. Even after Michelle Bachmann, Herman Cain and Rick Perry dropped out of the race, and despite a sizable delegate lead, we endured two more long months of formal primaries because this man didn’t have enough actual charisma and political capital to finally drive a stake through the heart of Rick Santorum and lock down the nomination.

Rick Santorum!

All along, the Christian right was cool to Romney because so many of them feel that Mormons aren’t true Christians, but since he eliminated Santorum — a Catholic and the most socially conservative candidate since the Inquisition — they’re having to swallow hard, grin and champion Romney as the standard bearer of so-called family values in America.2

Not even Romney’s fellow Mormon and former Utah Gov. Jon Huntsman — a superior candidate in nearly every way3 — could mask his obvious distaste for Romney, even while claiming to support him during a recent appearance on MSNBC’s Andrea Mitchell Reports.

So say what you will about us emotional Obama supporters. We’re still behind our man, because he’s brought us — all of us — this far against some pretty daunting odds and stonewalling opposition, and he’s working hard to take us even further.

He’s fought for equal pay for women and placed two impressive women on the Supreme Court. He’s fought to abolish Don’t Ask Don’t Tell. He’s fought to improve health-care insurance for all Americans. He fights for our environment and clean energy. He fights for college students not to be crushed under the weight of loan debt and to make Pell grants accessible to more young Americans. He got us out of Iraq, will get us out of Afghanistan, and he made the call to eliminate our most hated enemy. The day he took office and inherited the Great Recession, the Dow Jones Industrial Average dove 330 points and closed at 7,949.09; today it closed at 13,596.93. And if the GOP was not singularly, petulantly focused on ensuring the failure of his presidency, he might pass any number of the jobs bills that have been proposed during his first term to put Americans back to work, including the Veterans Jobs Corps Act, which Senate Republicans shot down just Wednesday. (Repeat: Veterans.) Through it all, President Obama has kept his eye on the long game and managed to do it with a lot more grace and equanimity than any of us could muster under the same circumstances.

We don’t merely “like” our guy on Facebook or check off his name on a ballot because we hate the other guy so much.

Barack Obama still gives us reason to believe.

So how about it, Republicans: Can any of you honestly say you believe in Mitt Romney? And if so, why? I’d really like to know.
1 This “proximity to money” phenomenon explains somewhat why every few years some idiot stirs up a “Draft Trump” campaign. Of course, that idiot is usually Donald Trump himself, but the short-fingered vulgarian does have sycophants, so the rumors persist. Worth noting: Steve Forbes and H. Ross Perot weren’t able to ride their bank accounts into the White House either.

2 It made me laugh that Romney’s shout-out to “freedom of religion” was such a big applause line at the Republican National Convention, delivered by a Mormon to a crowd among which a significant number of delegates likely believe that their nominee belongs to a cult and/or that our current Christian president is really a secret Muslim. So celebrate that in your classrooms, to borrow a line from Aaron Sorkin.

3 Aside to the GOP: For your own sake you need to give up the Rovian pipe dream of a permanent Republican majority and stop stonewalling President Obama just because you want him to fail. Sooner or later, you’re going to have to govern and lead again instead of just trying so damn hard to win all the time, because your entire party is going to implode like a punctured bouncy house one of these days.

In the meantime, know this: a) There’s no shame in moving toward the center. It’s where we all meet when we want to come together to move our country forward. And b) If you really want to infuriate the left, throw your support behind a nominee whom we might actually think twice about before voting against him (e.g., McCain in 2000, Huntsman in 2012). It would drive us crazy if we actually had to choose.

Written by Shepcat

September 20, 2012 at 10:45 pm

Posted in Politics

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